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20 years after the Hong Kong handover Most of the protesters were detained for more than 24 hours before being released. Pro-democracy party Demosisto said in a Monday statement, "Our confidence in 'one country, two systems' has waned and is replaced by the fear of it becoming 'one country, 1.5 systems.'" (From L to R) Student protest leader Joshua Wong, Hong Kong pro-democracy party League of Social Democrats (LSD) chairman Avery Ng, pro-democracy lawmaker Leung Kwok-hung, also known as 'Long Hair', and chiropractic what to wear pro-democracy lawmaker Nathan Law hold a protest against their recent arrests and detention ahead of the visit by China's President Xi Jinping, outside Civic Square at the Central Government Offices in Hong Kong on June 30, 2017. The principle of "one country, two systems" has allowed the special administrative region to preserve civil liberties that mainland China does not uphold. For his part, from the tarmac of the Hong Kong airport, Xi said Beijing wants to make sure the structure has a "far-reaching future." But democracy advocates like Claudia Mo, who holds a seat on Hong Kong's Legislative Council, are critical of the policy's implementation to date. "The 'one country, two systems' promise has been a sham, a fraud, a cheat because Beijing simply doesn't trust Hong Kong," she told CNBC. Geopolitics experts also expressed doubt about the sanctity of the two separate systems. "The 'one country, two systems' promise has been a sham, a fraud, a cheat because Beijing simply doesn't trust Hong Kong." -Claudia Mo, Hong Kong lawmaker Recently, it seems Beijing "barely recognizes the two systems" part of the structure, said Rodger Baker, vice president of strategic analysis at geopolitical intelligence firm Stratfor. He explained that the Chinese Communist Party can stomach two systems only "so long as those systems are 100 percent compatible with Beijing's interests." Chinese President Xi Jinping and his wife Peng Liyuan arrive at the airport in Hong Kong, China, ahead of celebrations marking the city's handover from British to Chinese rule, June 29, 2017. But there are elements of Hong Kong society and life that Beijing finds fundamentally disquieting. Under Xi's administration, pro-Beijing forces in Hong Kong have responded to recent political unrest with swift crackdowns, which have subsequently elicited greater sympathy for protesters. In 2014's "Umbrella Movement," police fired tear gas into a crowd that had gathered on the streets of one of the world's safest cities. When images of the chaos went viral, thousands poured into the streets to support the pro-democracy activists, many of whom were students. China's reactions to Hong Kong's recent political developments seem to indicate paranoia, said Richard Bush, director for the Center for East Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution. Lawmaker Mo explained that the Chinese central government has a "profound" distrust of any push for broader democracy in Hong Kong because it equates those movements with demands for independence. Umbrellas are opened as tens of thousands come to the main protest site one month after the Hong Kong police used tear gas to disperse protesters October 28, 2014 in Hong Kong, Hong Kong. But the idea that many Hong Kong residents want to become independent is perhaps overblown.

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